\’Hail the King\’ – the three words in the New Straits Times headline said everything about the constitutional monarch and the role of constitutional rule of law in Malaysia.

With full regalia of pomp and ceremony of rich and deep Malay culture and tradition, the 13th King of Malaysia was installed on Dec 13.

And, for the first time, I also realised that there is even a flag of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong because it was raised as the national anthem was played. Daulat Tuanku , and welcome aboard the \’ship we call Malaysia.

In a previous column , I reflected upon the role and institution of the King in Malaysian constitutional history. I argued that the rule of the King cannot and will not exist if not for the nation-state we call Malaysia. I also argued that it was the duty and responsibility of the King and Rulers\’ Council to defend and protect the public interest, especially that of marginalised groups.

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Tuanku, after almost 50 years of existence as a federation of Peninsular Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak, we still are not sure if we are 44 or 50 years old. Therefore, I have some serious concerns about this ship you head and will help steer.

I believe there is an impending silent mutiny brewing. It may not seem very obvious to others yet but please ask your brother Ruler, the Sultan of Selangor. He has already observed that some rule-makers are rule-breakers in his so-called most advanced state.

Selangor claims to already have achieved what the rest of Malaysia can only strive to achieve by 2020. But, it is also a fact that the Sultan has rightly questioned this marketed and self-appointed label. If rule-makers can become rule breakers, how can a state be ruled (without rules?) and or even declared \”developed\”?

Equitable growth

My next major concern related to the realisation of the Malaysian Agenda is: How can we remain integrated with integrity without the premise of constitutional rule of law enthroned by the institution of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong but based on the 1957 Social Contract?

Tuanku, our first prime minister who was also a royal, declared the National Unity goal at the formation of Malaya. We have since sustained that as our Malaysian Agenda as well. This agenda of unity has become the mantra for national survival.

And, rightly so also, we are recognised and regarded as one of the most successful models of multi-racial governance in the world to date. I believe no other country has moved the majority of one-people group within a multi-cultural setting, from abject poverty to relative wealth within one generation. That is the true success of Malaysian integration.

But, Tuanku, this great wealth distribution agenda must also be fair and equitable. If a railway gatekeeper can become a multi-millionaire without observing the rule of law, one has to question whether this integration agenda can sustain her integrity. In fact, there appears to be a definitive lack of equity and integrity in the distribution of all our so-called wealth. And sad to say, this is also the case in the distribution of poverty.

Today, the majority of the really poor and marginalised are found in the cities, villages and the hills. Although their quality of life is very bad, the core issue is that they lack choices.

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They do not know how to dream dreams; they grow up in cocoons and clusters with a narrow view of life and without aspiration and inspiration. They are sold hope in the afterlife, but see no hope in the win-lose way of economic life. They do not know about the global world of opportunities; of possibilities and about the challenge of changing their world and their views about life.

We called the agenda for integration the \’New Economic Policy\’ (NEP) in 1970, under the leadership of the second prime minister. It was then a world of increasing returns; as long as we grew the cake, we could each have a bigger slice of the ever expanding cake. But, today, this same agenda is cynically called the \’never ending policy\’. Wherein lies the problem? How did this national hope of a future get lost?

The NEP had an overriding primary goal of achieving national unity via a two-prong strategy of integrity:

– eradication of poverty regardless of race and economic activities; and

– restructuring of society to reflect multi-racial Malaysia (this later became the 30 percent target of bumiputera equity ownership).

Both targets were mutually exclusive and comprehensive for equitable socio-economic development. Through a painful and yet democratic process we all bought into this theory of development and hope. There were the necessary and sufficient conditions for successful development within a multi-racial national unity development framework. The original agenda was for 20 years (1970-1990).

Since the 1980s however, the second prong of the NEP – that of achieving the 30 percent ownership agenda – often became the sole focus. It has been continued into successor policies and criticised in two serious studies done to date. However, political interests saw an end to truth-seeking and speaking. Tuanku, to whom are we lying, if not to ourselves? Our national integrity is at stake; and the rest of the world is watching.

Review NEP

Now, back to the core issue of ownership. Regardless of who really owns the top 30 percent of wealth, I believe that the more serious issues relate to who owns the bottom 30 percent of poverty.

Your Majesty, I appeal to you to set up a Royal Commission to review the failure of NEP implementation. Under the Federal Constitution, I understand that the Rulers\’ Council has the authority and responsibility to discuss any matter of public interest. This subject of distributive equity and integration with integrity is constitutionally well within your authority and jurisdiction, because this single issue can destroy the Malaysian Agenda of integration with integrity.

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There are already cracks and crevices in our grand multi-racial Titanic experiment called Malaysia. Let us therefore not wait until we see the iceberg before we take corrective actions. To me, the Ninth Malaysia Plan has no clear and undisputable macro agenda to take us through this tidal wave of turbulence.

We do not have concrete numbers and targets to sustain and demonstrate our competitiveness in a much globalised world. And, if we cannot sustain our needed growth targets, we are doomed to see racial overtones and angry voices inciting hatred and violence when the cake stops growing and personal sustainability becomes an issue. The worst affected will become the poor.

We need true leadership, especially in turbulent times. Our political leadership does not seem able to meet all the challenges. True leadership is reflected when leaders at all levels can help steer the ship through troubled waters. My professor, Peter B Vaill, called this \”white-water type of leadership\”. It is different from the traditional \”heroic model of power-based leadership\”.

When the raft faces whitewater conditions, traditional power- and authority-based leaders really have very little to contribute. We therefore need new players who can assume new roles of what can be called \’responsible team leadership\’. It is not the \’hero\’ who is the leader but rather all team members who assume definitive leadership roles and do what is right at each level. Some, like author Robert Greenleaf, call this the \”servant leadership model\”. Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi call it a \”work with me and not for me\” culture.

Premised upon this model of leadership therefore, the responsible leaders need not merely be politicians, but must also include the Legislature and Judiciary. But that is not all. Such leadership must also include the institution of the Rulers\’ Council, which has historically ruled at state level.

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I therefore plead with you, Tuanku, to consider whether this country can afford to undergo what your state of Terengganu went through with the change of political leadership and with the politicisation of development. Under changing regimes of Federal-led leadership, some elements of Petronas money became defined as \’Malaysian money\’ for a time, but has since become \’Terengganu money\’. What political gamesmanship!

My plea therefore is that the Rulers\’ Council chooses to conscientiously get involved in issues that have become too political for handling by parties in power. Among you, there are many well educated and able leaders. But regardless, let us not redefine the constitutional culture of the rule of law and social contract in order to sustain the integrity of our nation-state\’s agenda.

Once we lose integrity, we lose trust; and once we lose trust, the glue that binds us will become undone. The damage can be too severe. God Bless Malaysia.